Education Health ALERT!: United Nations warns GERMs spreading worldwide #NN15

The world is experiencing the spread of privatizing GERMs (Global Education Reform Movements).

School “reformers” are pressing a variety of “school choice” and “market-based” policies that move the control of schools from democratic control to private control. Market-based approaches such as vouchers, charters, and parent trigger take the control of schools out of the hands of democratically elected governmental officials and local communities.

Not only are “choice” and “market-based” policies spreading across the United States, but the world is also facing privatization efforts. The United Nations recently convened a meeting to address the GERMs. I will begin with a quick discussion of primary domestic privatization efforts and then segue to the global pushback.

The two most prominent forms of private control pressed in educational policy in the United States are charters and vouchers. Choice proponents focus on the limitations of traditional public schools but rarely discuss the predominance of the peer-reviewed research literature that demonstrates limited or no effect of choice (i.e. vouchers and charters) on student success. Are there examples of student success in charters? Of course, as is there also in public schools. However, the most prominent CREDO study of charter schools across the nation showed that nationwide only 15% of charters perform better than traditional neighborhood public schools.

While it is true that you can find an occasional peer-reviewed study that shows small effects for vouchers, the predominance of the research literature in the United States and elsewhere in the world shows no statistical significance or limited effects. What is also notable about the rare voucher study that shows a positive effect is that they are typically churned out by researchers primarily funded by foundations that are ideologically privatization advocates (aka Kool-Aid drinkers). What charters and vouchers clearly do is hand the control of the capital in schools to religious organizations, politically appointed boards and/or corporations.

Parent Trigger is a policy where parents are allowed to vote to turn over a public school to private control. Parent Trigger is parent empowerment without the empowerment. Parental involvement without the involvement. Why? Students and parents rights are actually more limited. Once a trigger petition is voted on and goes forward, the rights that are often guaranteed to parents, students and teachers under the democratically defined education code are usually squelched. Under private control, parents and students no longer have guarantees on class size limits, disciplinary decisions, or qualified teachers among others.

Also, as real estate agents often say “Location!, Location!, Location!” Schools often sitting on very valuable parcels of land. It would be a coup for those shopping for real estate and facilities if just a few parents from any particular year are given the reins to easily transfer hundreds of millions of dollars in public assets. Furthermore, parent trigger legislation is typically flawed, as parents should have the option to cancel the contract and return to public management if they so choose. Parent Trigger shouldn’t be a one-way street. Families should also be able to make the choice to leave private control and return to public control if they are underwhelmed by the undemocratic, non-local, control of their school.

Another hot topic is the rise of virtual (online) charter schools. What high schooler wouldn’t want to sit at home and pretend to go to school and have the school pretend that they attend? The results of virtual schools has been dismal. For example, In the Public Interest’s reported entitled Virtual Public Education in California: A Study of Student Performance, Management Practices and Oversight Mechanisms at California Virtual Academies, a K12 Inc. Managed School System found,

The virtual education model advanced by K12 Inc. in California does not adequately serve many of its students. In every year since it began graduating students, except 2013, CAVA has had more dropouts than graduates. Its academic growth was negative for most of its history and it did not keep up with other demographically similar schools after 2005. Its Academic Performance Index scores consistently ranked poorly against other demographically similar schools and the state as a whole. Evidence of low quality educational materials, under- staffing of clerical employees and low teacher salaries all indicates that an additional investment of resources in the classroom is necessary for improvement.

The financial profiteering and lack of success of students enrolled in virtual charters by the National Education Policy Center was summed up by Kevin Welner, University of Colorado Boulder Professor, who stated that they “raises enormous red flags.”

Private control is problematic. What occurs is a few individuals— often elites— gain control of districts and schools rather than democratically controlled education policy. Disingenuously, there is a simultaneous promotion of an elegant, but false, narratives of Civil Rights and economic efficiencies as benefits of their top down approaches. However, what the anti-democratic policies really offer is the opportunity for the elites to profit handsomely from the education system by privately controlling the capital.

The United Nations recently took notice of the move to privatize education in the United States and elsewhere. Education International reported,

In what is being hailed as a landmark resolution, the United Nations Human Rights Council has urged States to regulate and monitor private education providers as well as recognise the threat of commercialised education.

The HRC is the leading global inter-governmental political body dealing with human rights. In the resolution adopted by consensus of its 47 members, the HRC has, for the first time, responded to the growing phenomenon of privatisation and commercialisation of education.

This phenomenon, and in particular the emergence of large-scale for-profit “low-cost” private school chains targeting poor families in developing countries, has received heightened attention from civil society organisations and UN expert bodies alike in recent months.

Camilla Croso, of the Global Campaign for Education, reacted: “the rapid, unregulated growth of private providers of education is already creating – and enabling – violations of the right to education, threatening to erase the last 50 years of progress in access to education. This resolution shows that States have realised that they must act now to regulate such providers – before it is too late.”

Sylvain Aubry, of the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights  elaborated: “Our research has consistently shownthat privatisation in education leads to socio-economic segregation and discrimination against the poorest children in schools, in violation of States’ obligations, as was recently recognisedin the case of Chile. The resolution adopted today, crucially highlights the obligation to provide educational opportunities for all without discrimination.

I was listening to NPR the other day and they had a story about the low cost, standardized curriculum for-profit private schools that are proliferating in India and elsewhere. My first thought was that it was a good idea. But, as I thought more carefully, I realized that the point of these schools is to destabilize the public systems and profit simultaneously.

unknownThe Global Campaign for Education held a meeting in Geneva to bring together organizations and scholars to discuss privatization and commercialization. Frank Adamson attended the recent meeting. I first met Frank when we were working on our doctorates at Stanford (he plays a mean striker in intramural soccer). He is a senior policy and research analyst at SCOPE and co-editor of the forthcoming book “Global Education Reform: How Privatization and Public Investment Influence Education Outcomes” due out in January. He travelled to the recent meeting in Geneva.

Frank writes:

The meetings in Geneva revealed that the privatization and commercialization of public education is indeed a global phenomenon. The panel discussions ranged from low-fee private schools in Uganda and Ghana to public-private partnerships in Nepal and Philippines, vouchers in Chile, markets in Sweden, and corporate charters in the U.S. The pace and mechanisms of these approaches differ in each country context. However, the theme of profits displacing learning is consistent across contexts.

The profit in question comes from taxpayer money intended for public education. A variety of actors – from venture capitalists to the World Bank, technology firms, and local companies – have labeled public education as a “$4.625 trillion dollar space” and set their sights on taking home a slice of that pie. The Geneva meetings provided a more coordinated critique of this attempted takeover of education, a sector that most people support as publicly funded for the public interest, not private profit.”

The focus on profit and its corollaries – standardization, high-stakes testing, and cheaper labor (inexperienced teachers) – isn’t producing better education globally. Geneva revealed the failures and fallacies of the privatized approaches in different countries, illustrating that it’s now time to ensure that the public investment in education is channeled into the public interest. The roadmap is also clear, as the highest performing and most equitable countries in the world (Finland, Singapore, Canada, and Cuba, to name a few) use public investment strategies that produce the education outcomes that parents expect and would like to see for children worldwide.

11755117_10153118612703042_585093087281014889_nGERMs are bad for the health of public education. Vaccinate yourself with the necessary knowledge to combat their spread. In conclusion, I’ll discuss privatization tomorrow here at Netroots. If you are here at Netroots or in Phoenix community come by and say hi.

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Please blame Milton Friedman for any typos.

Twitter: @ProfessorJVH

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The video below includes a panel discussion that includes Dr. Adamson and a UN Special Rapporteur. The panel provided a variety of international perspectives on education privatization.

Parent Trigger Testimony: A One-way Street to Private Control #SB14

Parent Trigger is a one-way street to non-democratic, private control of our public schools.

During the last round of Parent Trigger law attempts, I wrote about it in the posts Parent trigger laws: Wolves in sheep’s clothing and astroturfing and The Teat: Where does parent trigger movement get their $?

I flew to Texas Tuesday to testify at the Texas House of Representatives Public Education Committee against SB14— the latest Parent Trigger bill in Texas. I don’t recommend 5 a.m. flights two days in a row. I left for Texas on at 5 a.m. and returned to California the next day at 5 a.m. I still feel punch drunk.

I have included a YouTube video of the ~8 minute testimony below. The video also includes 4 questions (Reps Farney, Allen and Gonzales) from members of the House Public Education Committee after I completed my testimony. Here is a transcript:

My name is Julian Vasquez Heilig. I am a Professor of Education Policy and Leadership Studies at California State University Sacramento. Prior to being appointed as Professor at Cal State, I was on faculty in the College of Education at the University of Texas at Austin for 8 years.

I will publish my testimony on my education policy blog Cloaking Inequity.

I am testifying against SB14. I do not represent my institution on this bill.

My research studies have focused on a variety of issues including community-based reform and also market-based reforms.

The current research on parent trigger suggests that we should have major concerns about SB 14

SB14 is parent empowerment without the empowerment. Parental involvement without the involvement.

Why? Students and parents rights are actually more limited. Once the petition goes forward, the rights that are currently guaranteed to parents, students and teachers under the democratically defined education code are squelched. Under private control, parents and students no longer have guarantees on class size limits, disciplinary decisions, or qualified teachers among others.

As the Houston preacher just said, “parents deserve to have a say.”

Furthermore, as my real estate agent recently told me “Location!, Location!, Location!” I understand why there is great interest in parent trigger. Schools are sitting on very valuable parcels of land in Austin, in Houston, in Dallas.

It would be a coup for those shopping for real estate and facilities if just a few parents from any particular year are given the reins to easily transfer hundreds of millions of dollars in public assets. Let’s do some quick math.

Originally the SB14 Parent Trigger bill would have impacted more than 200 schools. Based on changes to the bill in the Senate, estimates that I have heard are that this would probably now impact 60 schools per year. Let’s estimate those schools are worth $3-5 million each in terms of property and buildings.

A few thousand parents could move $300 million in property resources out of the public space! Thus, Parent Trigger as written in SB14 is a one-way easy street.

My understanding from attorneys that I have talked to today is that it’s a grey area whether Texas could get the buildings back. Specifically, related issues have been litigated in Ohio and elsewhere.

Parent Revolution likes to talk about California. Turns out Californians don’t like the idea of giving away their schools for free. Parent Trigger has been boondoggle in terms of implementation and student achievement in California. Californians have realized parents trigger sounds good in theory, but in practice has been a failure. It’s a California export best left on the shelf.

Furthermore, the bill is flawed, as parents should have the option to cancel the contract and return to public management if they so choose. We know from the research literature that more than 80% of charters perform no better than traditional public schools.

Parent Trigger shouldn’t be a one-way street. Families should also be able to make the choice to leave private control and return to public control if they are underwhelmed by the undemocratic, non-local, control of their school.

I responded to a few questions from the Public Education Committee members after the testimony. In my response to the question from Rep. Allen, I mentioned a poll of voters and parents conducted by In the Public Interest. See a quick breakdown of the In the Public Interest survey of voters in the post School (False) Choice Sunday. (I promise it’s worth the click)

I did forget to mention in my testimony that one of the items prioritized by parents is more funding for schools at #3. You see the full parent choice poll at In the Public Interest. 

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I also mentioned that California is planning to spend $3,000 more per pupil in the fall from their billions in surplus. That should take the Golden State from 50th to about the national average.

In conclusion, currently Parent Trigger as formulated in SB14 and elsewhere is a bad idea for families and kids. It is a one-way street to private control. As I mentioned in my testimony, the recourse of parents is more limited under private control than democratic control.

I do have a new idea for parent trigger that would empower parents and communities. Stay tuned.

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For all of Cloaking Inequity’s posts on Parent Trigger go here.

For all of Cloaking Inequity’s posts on charters go here.

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The Axe is grinding: Is PAR teacher evaluation discriminatory?

Julian Vasquez Helig gave no statistical rebuttal to my data, therefore his comments are meaningless. Brian Crowell

I am usually up for a challenge. It was a lazy Saturday afternoon and Brian Crowell was up to his usual schtick critiquing Peer Assistance and Review (PAR), a community-level teacher evaluation approach. I previously discussed PAR in the post Can we Evaluate #Teachers Without Using High-Stakes #Testing? He posted the following on my Facebook feed:

Brian Crowell Challenges Head of California Federation of Teachers to Repudiate PAR at CFT Convention March 21, 2015 at 2:37am

My name is Brian Crowell. I have been actively investigating  discrimination  produced by PAR ( Peer Assistance and Review) for the last 3 years. My data base keeps growing and shows overt discrimination of against Veteran Teachers and Teachers of Color among those referred to PAR in cities throughout Calfornia. I am live blogging from the CFT Convention. I ran into CFT President Joshua Pechault. I told him “you have a problem with PAR”. I said I ‘m Brian Crowell. He said “yes I know who you are, you filed that case with PERB ( Public Employment Relations Board”… I ran down to him the overt cost cutting that districts have used in referring veteran teachers to PAR. I explained to him how management is not barging in good faith with their overt cost cutting through PAR and  the racial discrimination that has occurred as a result of teachers of color being pushed into the program. He mostly looked down at his feet as he listened. He acknowledged all of my salient points. In the end he said he would follow the case (a case he was already following) which set the a precedent for academic freedom in the State of California. Bottom line; Pechault is resorting to bureaucratoic measures to avoid dealing with this issue. My union friend delegate tried to get a resolution to the CFT Floor to oppose PAR. It was blocked by the Rules Chair. She will try again tomorrow but CFT openly supports age and racial discrimination with PAR. In closing. I’m a member of NEA and AFT and I can’t get representation for my informal settlement conference. The fight continues…

I responded in the comments of his Facebook post
 I have seen some of the “data” Brian referenced. I wasn’t convinced. Let the debate continue. There needs to be an alternative to VAM.
A few months back Brian had hijacked a post about something else with comments about PAR. At the time I had asked him to see his data, he sent it, and I wasn’t convinced by it at the time. Brian then messaged me:

If you have an argument let me see it. Otherwise be quiet.

So analyzing LA Unified PAR data on a Saturday evening is not exactly how I want to spend a Redbox night, but I did anyways because I was curious if Brian is right about PAR. I asked him for his data and he sent LA Unified PAR. Thanks Brian. Unfortunately, he did not have data on all the teachers in the district— he only sent along data from the sample of PAR teachers. There are about 30,000 teachers in LA Unified, and there were about 300 teachers in each year of PAR data.

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So is PAR discriminatory? On whom might you argue it has a disparate impact? I haven’t put my education stats professor hat on in awhile here at Cloaking Inequity, so it will be good to stretch my legs for just a moment for these analyses. I will focus on 2011-12 because that is the data I have available for comparison purposes for the district population of teachers.

Questions I will address:

  1. Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean age by race/ethnicity amongst LAUSD PAR teachers?
  2. Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean pay scale by race/ethnicity amongst LAUSD PAR teachers?
  3. Are some race/ethnicities disproportionately represented in the LAUSD PAR data?

Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean age by race/ethnicity amongst LAUSD PAR teachers?

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Surprisingly, the ANOVA analyses comparing means demonstrates that White teachers are statistically significantly older in the data. Whites are statistically significantly older than Latinos, but not Blacks or Asians just among the PAR sample. The average age of White teachers is about 55. I don’t know the average age of teachers in LAUSD population, so this is just a “composition” analysis. I can’t calculate relative “composition” or “risk”. Which means that I cannot say from only a PAR sample whether older teachers are being targeted for PAR. You would need data for all teachers in LA Unified for that calculation to answer that question or make suppositions about the possibility. What can be said is that— amongst the PAR sample— Whites are older than other race/ethnicities.

Is there a statistically significant difference in the mean pay scale by race/ethnicity amongst LAUSD PAR teachers?

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I also conducted an ANOVA to see if there were any mean differences in the pay scales by race/ethnicity for those teachers involved in PAR in LAUSD. The ANOVA shows that there is no mean difference in the sample by race in the pay scales. The average pay scale in PAR is about 13. Again, I cannot say from only a PAR sample whether teachers in higher pay scales are being targeted for PAR, I would need data for all teachers in LA Unified for that calculation and to make suppositions about the possibility.

Are some race/ethnicities disproportionately represented in the LAUSD PAR data?

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I conducted a Chi-Square analysis of the LAUSD PAR data to answer the disparate impact question. The table of observed and expected frequencies suggests that, in the LAUSD PAR sample, African Americans are over represented by 30 teachers, Whites are over represented by 42 teachers, Latinos are under represented by 60 teachers, Native Americans are under represented by 1 teacher and Asians are under represented in PAR by about 10 teachers. In summary, Whites and Blacks are involved in PAR more than you would expected due to chance— while Latinos, Asians and Native Americans (only slightly= 1 teacher) are under represented.

Mark Naison made the following comment in the thread on this issue:

Ethnic cleansing has occurred in the teaching staffs of urban school districts throughout the country, from DC, to Chicago, to LA. All of those districts have been unionized. Teachers unions have to accept responsibility for the sharp decline in teachers of color on their watch. While PAR may not be the primary explanation for this decline, it has occured in California cities with PAR, in the same or greater proportions than it has in cities outside California without PAR.

Clearly, attracting and keeping teachers of color is an important issue in our society today as our K-12 student population nationwide is now majority minority. I would have been very concerned about PAR if the LAUSD data sent by Brian was in alignment with his very serious accusations. Future research utlizing data from all 30,000 teachers would allow for risk analyses controlling simultaneously for age, pay scales, race/ethnicity and other factors such as school type. These analyses might present findings different than what I have conducted here.

In conclusion, it appears that some have an axe to grind with PAR— but the LAUSD data I analyzed does not sharpen that axe.

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Podcast Series: Conversation with Loyola Students about Education Reform

Last week I joined students from Dr. Aurora Chang’s education reform class at Loyola University to discuss hot issues in the national conversation about education policy. We started with a few questions submitted by her doctoral students. Here is what we addressed:

1.When addressing inequity with policy makers, are there different strategies whether they are neoliberal or conservative?

2. In what ways can we do a better job of demonstrating that stigmatizing schools for performance leads to 1) greater marginalization for those who have traditionally had less access to high-quality schools and, in the long run, 2) provides a less effective and engaging educational experience? How can we make the arguments more compelling so to have broader acceptance?

3. What does Teach for America considers the “official knowledge” their teachers need to know before they go to the teaching field?

4. “PAR challenges most people’s expectations about what teachers and principals should do. It requires unusual collaboration between the union and administration. It must be grounded in a systematic approach to teacher evaluation… Increasingly, policymakers, district officials, and union leaders have pointed to PAR as a promising component of an effective human capital strategy, thus fueling interest and initiatives across the country.” (See the post Can we Evaluate #Teachers Without Using High-Stakes #Testing?) Can you please expand on this? Has this method been used widely-what are some of the difficulties with using this method of evaluation. How do you define ‘veteran’ teachers and those that are deemed ‘established’ enough to help evaluate colleagues?

Check out the podcast below

Please Facebook Like, Tweet, etc below and/or reblog to share this discussion with others.

Want to know about Cloaking Inequity’s freshly pressed conversations about educational policy? Click the “Follow blog by email” button in the upper left hand corner of this page.

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Interested in joining us in the sunny capitol of California and obtaining your Doctorate in Educational Leadership from California State University Sacramento? Apply by March 1. Go here.

The Teat: Is Leadership for Educational Equity getting TFA’s dirty work done?

In our last segment of the The Teat, we discussed how education reformers have exploded 501(c)3 organizations to push corporate education reform.  Now we’ll focus on its big bad cousin: 501(c)4 organizations.

But first, as is tradition, our cow haiku:

Two cows in pasture

A steak and a glass of milk

Dinner is served now

501(c)4 organizations have recently been discussed in the mainstream media, but what are they and how are they different from 501(c)3 organizations?

According to an IRS publication:

501(c)(4) provides for exemption from federal income tax of civic leagues or organizations not organized for profit but operated exclusively for the promotion of social welfare.”

One major distinction between each is that:

501(c)(4) may engage in political campaign activities if those activities are not the organization’s primary activity. In contrast, organizations exempt under 501(c)(3) are absolutely prohibited from engaging in political activities. 

Also important, 501(c)4 organizations are exempt in providing a list of donors. Thus, 501(c)4 organizations are very similar to a Political Action Committee (PAC) but with less transparency.

So, what do 501(c)4 organizations look like in the word of education? For this post I will focus on the Leadership for Educational Equity (LEE).

LEE, which was founded in 2008, mission is:

To foster the individual and collective leadership of our members by inspiring them, developing their capacity, and increasing their effectiveness to shape policies and set priorities to ensure that all children have the opportunity to attain an excellent education.

LEE has a famous (and greedy) cousin (drumroll)… Teach for America (TFA)! The Teat has previously covered TFA and their enormous success in raising money as a 501(c)3 organization. Then why the need for LEE? As it turns out, TFA needed a politically-oriented “right hand man” helping assure their interests, such as placing TFA alum into elected offices and helping push education policy that would benefit TFA.

James Ceronsky put it best:

If all goes as planned, LEE could shift control over American education reform to a specific group of spritely college grads-turned-politicians with a very specific politics.

So LEE states that their mission is to “shape policies,” so what is their stance on education policy? Barbara Miner interviewed Jen Bluestein Lamb, VP of TFA’s Political Leadership Initiative and overseer of LEE in 2010.

We have never, and never will, take a policy position ourselves.

Wait. What? Why a c(4) then?

Let’s fast forward to 2012 and see what LEE executive director, Michael Buman, said about their policy stance:

LEE does not have any kind of litmus test about any policies. We’re completely policy-agnostic.

Huh? LEE is policy-neutral?  This is hard to believe.  As the adage says, actions speak louder than words.  Thanks to James Ceronsky, who was able to access to LEE’s “Members In Action” site by an existing members account, we are able to see what education policies LEE members support. Here are a few:

Getting to know LEE is a conundrum.  For an organization whose name includes Equity, the policies they support are ones that have proven to be divisive and exasperate inequity in affected school communities. So, ironic instead.

In 2012, LEE’s budget was $3.5 million and even though they state that they limit any funds to politics:

In total, as of August 2011, LEE counts 56 TFA alums in office: 14 on school boards, 13 on local school councils, 24 on neighborhood councils or other local boards, two state senators, a constable, a judge, and a justice of the peace.

Now the need for TFA to create LEE is overwhelmingly clear.  LEE, with its 501(c)4 status, is to TFA what Nicky Santoro was to Sam “Ace” Rothstein in the movie Casino.

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Lee, the guy who gets the dirty work done. No questions asked.

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